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Redirecting the SANDF from international peace‑keeping to domestic policing exposes South Africa’s fiscal constraints and raises questions about the effectiveness of using the military for law‑enforcement tasks, potentially reshaping defence priorities and public safety strategy.
South Africa’s decision to pull its troops from the United Nations‑backed MONUSCO mission marks a pivotal shift in the country’s security posture. After nearly three decades of contributing to regional stability in the DRC, the SANDF will refocus on internal threats, reflecting a broader trend where African states prioritize domestic challenges over overseas commitments. This redeployment underscores the delicate balance between honoring international obligations and addressing pressing home‑grown security concerns, especially as crime rates surge in urban hotspots like the Cape Flats and Gauteng’s mining districts.
The move also shines a light on the chronic under‑funding of South Africa’s defence establishment. Since the 2015 defence review, the military’s budget as a percentage of GDP has steadily declined, leaving the SANDF to maintain a sophisticated force on a shoestring. Limited resources constrain training, equipment upkeep, and the ability to sustain simultaneous external and internal operations. Consequently, the armed forces risk becoming a blunt instrument, ill‑suited for nuanced policing tasks while their core combat readiness erodes.
Politically, deploying soldiers to support police offers short‑term optics but raises long‑term governance questions. Past initiatives, such as the 2019 Operation Prosper, delivered only temporary calm before violence resurfaced, illustrating that military presence cannot substitute for comprehensive crime‑prevention strategies. Critics warn that normalising the SANDF as a domestic gendarmerie may dilute its strategic purpose and further marginalise its role in regional peace‑keeping. Sustainable solutions will likely require deeper investment in law‑enforcement capacity, socio‑economic development, and a clear delineation of military versus police responsibilities.
8 February 2026
President Cyril Ramaphosa, on Sunday, 8 February, announced the withdrawal of South African troops from the MONUSCO peace‑keeping force in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). By the end of the year an estimated 700 soldiers will return home – ending 27 years of peace‑keeping in a flash.
Then, on Thursday evening during his State of the Nation Address (Sona), Ramaphosa announced that the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) would be deployed to assist the South African Police Service (SAPS) in counter‑gangsterism on the Cape Flats and illegal mining in Gauteng, without providing clarity on the deployment’s duration or conditions.
With these two acts, the South African military has overnight become a local gendarmerie, forced to pick up the pieces left by a deeply flawed police service. Based on the applause that met the announcement of the SANDF deployment, you’d have thought this was a good thing. It is not, and for three very big reasons.
The South African military is rotting from the outside in, and this incoming operation is a terrible reminder that necrosis is very much set in.
Ramaphosa’s message signifies one major theme: the SANDF is so overstretched, under‑funded and ill‑led that it needs to wind down even its small remaining foreign deployment to make room for a local deployment.
South Africa’s troops face terrible living conditions, worse food and even worse support from their leaders. MPs either don’t know about this, even though they should, or they don’t care. Neither is acceptable.
Read more: “Residents are prisoners in their homes”: EC premier to ask Ramaphosa for military intervention
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This didn’t happen overnight. It stems from almost two decades of under‑funding for the responsibilities South Africa expects of its military, and a government unwilling to advocate for more. Although a defence review drafted and passed into law in 2015 laid a foundation for its recovery, the defence budget required for this did not materialise. Indeed, the military’s budget as a percentage of GDP has declined since.
Put in plain speak: the military is attempting to maintain a massively complicated organisation without enough funds to cover even the most basic requirements. To use an analogy, the SANDF has to maintain a fleet of sleek, specialised race cars but has only been given a budget for second‑hand hatchbacks.
Now, after the President’s announcement, this organisation must go off‑roading.
Make no mistake: the SANDF deployment will do nothing to address the root causes of gangsterism. With neither powers of arrest nor the remit to conduct criminal intelligence, members of the SANDF can do nothing to stop those involved in leading, controlling, or managing the money flows of gangs and criminal organisations. Foot soldiers can always be replaced.
To be sure, affected communities will probably sleep a little easier with soldiers on every corner. But given how little political attention the military is afforded, its presence will never be long‑term. In 2019 I was quoted in a New York Times article about Operation Prosper, where the SANDF was deployed in a similar fashion to the Cape’s worst‑affected gang areas.
“Operation Prosper is a permanent operation, under which any SANDF support to the SAPS is carried out. This new deployment will also be under Operation Prosper.”
The first weekend the SANDF were there, things were quieter. The moment they left, the murders resumed. Now, seven years later, having learned nothing from this farce, the military is being asked to do the same thing — with fewer resources.
The deployment of the SANDF in 2019 never worked, despite the praise of government and DA alike, and it will not work now. Like so many commissions of inquiry, their use here is a superficial Band‑Aid on a development crisis left untreated.
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It’s important to highlight the limited number of soldiers available for this role. Those who are reassigned will face diminished training time and a decline in their core military skills.
Gangs feed on weak governance and social dysfunction. The military was never designed to combat this, and it will never treat the root causes, with or without an equally problematic police force.
Read more: Sending in soldiers solves very little – as Cape Town’s track record shows
For as long as SANDF deployments in domestic affairs receive rousing applause across all party benches, the military will continue to be used in situations for which it is ill‑designed. This is equally true for border patrols as it is for anti‑gang operations. Both should be the police’s responsibility.
Trumpeting the involvement of the SANDF in domestic security may gain some quick PR wins for the President. However, the announcement of the SANDF’s withdrawal from the DRC and the conclusion of almost three decades of peace‑keeping operations reflect an abject failure by our political leaders to understand when and how to use the military.
Thus far, nobody appears willing to object to this abuse, including the Minister of Defence, who ought to be fighting this decision tooth and nail. Until those pulling the political strings of the military do so in a more intelligent, coherent manner, the SANDF’s slide into irrelevance will continue.
The military can be a force for immense public good. But until it is seen as more than a blunt instrument, the true value it can unlock in South Africa will remain nothing more than hopes and prayers.
— DM
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