Milan-26: India’s Maritime Diplomacy Comes of Age

Why It Matters

The scale and diversity of Milan‑26 signal India’s rising convening power and its ability to balance great‑power competition, reinforcing its strategic influence across the Indo‑Pacific.

Key Takeaways

• Milan‑26 invites 135 nations, 70 confirmed.
• Exercise showcases India's indigenised warships.
• Vizag trifecta amplifies India's soft and hard power.
• US and Russia participation highlights India's neutral diplomacy.
• Milan aligns with SAGAR and MAHASAGAR visions.

Pulse Analysis

The Milan series, launched in 1995 with just four neighboring navies, has become a barometer of India’s maritime ambition. Over three decades the exercise expanded from a modest confidence‑building forum to a multilateral platform that now draws participants from across the Indo‑Pacific and beyond. This evolution mirrors India’s broader strategic shift—from the early Look East and Act East policies to the more expansive SAGAR and MAHASAGAR doctrines that envision the Indian Ocean as a shared space for security, trade, and development. Milan‑26, therefore, is not merely a naval drill but a diplomatic showcase of India’s growing soft power and its capacity to convene diverse actors under a common maritime agenda.

Hosting the “Vizag trifecta”—Milan‑26, the International Fleet Review, and the IONS summit—creates a concentrated display of hard and soft power. The simultaneous presence of U.S., Russian, and numerous regional fleets underscores India’s unique role as a neutral convenor capable of bridging rival great powers. This convergence enhances interoperability, facilitates joint humanitarian and anti‑submarine operations, and offers a platform for strategic dialogue on piracy, disaster relief, and maritime domain awareness. For defense manufacturers, the event provides a live stage to exhibit indigenously produced platforms such as the INS Vikrant carrier and Visakhapatnam‑class destroyers, potentially accelerating export opportunities.

Looking ahead, Milan‑26 reinforces the trajectory set by SAGAR and MAHASAGAR, positioning India as a pivotal node in the 21st‑century maritime order. By integrating economic diplomacy, technological connectivity, and environmental stewardship into its naval engagements, India can attract deeper partnerships with Global‑South nations and advanced economies alike. The exercise’s scale and inclusivity may also shape future regional security architectures, encouraging collective responsibility for sea‑lane safety and fostering a rules‑based order that balances power dynamics in the Indo‑Pacific. As such, Milan‑26 is both a milestone and a catalyst for India’s long‑term strategic aspirations.

Milan-26: India’s Maritime Diplomacy Comes of Age

By Swaran Singh · February 16, 2026

Ships from participating nations sit in the Bay of Bengal during a parade in celebration of the commencement of the Multilateral Naval Exercise Milan‑22 in Visakhapatnam, India, Feb. 27, 2022. Credit: U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 1st Class Brandon J. Vinson

When warships from the United States, Russia, Japan, Iran, the Philippines, South Africa, and more begin to converge off Visakhapatnam, India, for the Milan‑26 naval exercises, to be held from February 18‑25, their choreography may look familiar: flags, formations, maneuvers, photo‑ops and deliberations. But this 13th edition of India’s Milan exercise is different. It culminates India’s sustained 32‑year journey from a regional maritime participant to a pivotal master builder in the Indo‑Pacific maritime security architecture.

Conducted under the aegis of the Indian Navy’s Eastern Naval Command, Milan‑26 will occur alongside two other hallmark events – the International Fleet Review (IFR 2026) and the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS Ninth Conclave of Chiefs) – together called the Vizag trifecta. During February 24‑25, the New Delhi‑based MP‑IDSA will host the 16th South Asia Conference on the theme “Sagar to Mahasagar: Strategic & Development Partnerships,” bringing academics, analysts, practitioners, and policymakers together.

From a Modest Beginning to Multilateral Maritime Hub

Milan – the Hindi word for “confluence” – began in 1995 with only four foreign navies: Indonesia, Singapore, Sri Lanka, and Thailand. This modest initiative of then Fortress Andaman & Nicobar (FORTAN) was aimed at enhancing mutual understanding and trust through professional interactions among regional maritime forces.

In more than three decades, the biennial exercise has steadily expanded, mirroring the transition in India’s maritime interests. By 2014, participation had grown to 17 nations; by 2022 the exercise drew 42 foreign countries, involving 13 warships, 21 aircraft and a submarine plus observer delegations. So far, Milan‑26 has confirmed participation from 70 countries.

This rapid transformation reveals India’s expanding convening power as well as its shifting strategic doctrines: from a regional focus under the early Look East and Act East policies to a more inclusive maritime design aligned with the SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions) visions articulated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2015 and 2025.

Scale, Significance, and Strategic Signals

The 2026 edition of the Milan naval exercises is projected to be the largest in its history. Invitations have been extended to over 135 countries, with 70 already confirmed. At least 23 foreign warships are slated to participate, including significant contributions from the United States and Russia. Participation spans navies from the Indian Ocean Region, Southeast Asia, the Western Pacific, and beyond — showcasing Milan‑26 as a genuine Indo‑Pacific maritime platform rather than a narrow regional exercise.

The expanded scale is accompanied by a growing complexity in logistics and deliberations. Milan‑26 features both harbor and high‑sea phases involving maritime domain awareness, air defence, anti‑submarine warfare (ASW), search‑and‑rescue, and humanitarian operations, testing interoperability across varied platforms and doctrines.

Hosting Milan‑26 alongside the IFR 2026 and the IONS Conclave magnifies India’s soft and hard power. The strategic convergence of major naval powers at this Visakhapatnam “trifecta” positions India as a trusted interlocutor.

At the International Fleet Review on February 18, President Droupadi Murmu will review an assembled fleet of over 70 ships, including India’s two aircraft carriers. Over 60 nations are confirmed to be participating, underscoring India’s standing as a maritime convenor.

On February 20, the IONS Ninth Conclave of Chiefs brings together naval leadership from 25 member states and nine observers, facilitating strategic dialogue on maritime security, piracy, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR), and information sharing with lasting bonds.

Both events will be bridged by Milan‑26, a familiar biannual naval exercise of the last 31 years. Together, these events allow India to anchor operational trust and interoperability with strategic dialogues and maritime diplomacy.

India’s Maritime Choreography in Action

During Milan‑26, the results of India’s naval modernisation, especially its indigenisation drive, will be showcased in platforms such as the INS Vikrant aircraft carrier, the Visakhapatnam‑class destroyer, and the Nilgiri, Shivalik, and Kolkata‑class frigates. These will be the hallmark of Milan‑26, signalling India’s arrival as both a builder and conductor of modern maritime power.

Understanding Milan‑26’s deeper strategic resonance requires situating it within the broader metamorphosis of India’s maritime profile and vision. Modi’s March 2015 speech in Mauritius launched the “SAGAR” vision, positing the Indian Ocean as a shared space for collective security and growth, prioritising cooperative frameworks, capacity building, and humanitarian collaboration.

Over the past decade, India’s maritime posture has shifted beyond a purely regional lens to a global maritime focus, articulated in the 2025 “MAHASAGAR” vision. MAHASAGAR integrates economic diplomacy, technological connectivity, environmental sustainability, and professional interoperability, envisioning global partnerships beyond the Indian Ocean and positioning India as a Global‑South leader and net security provider.

MAHASAGAR’s expanded focus is reflected in the guest list for Milan‑26. Attending navies include not only Indian Ocean Region states but also Australia, Southeast Asia (Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, Vietnam), the Middle East (Iran), Africa (South Africa), and Europe (France and Germany). While the presence of major powers such as the United States and Russia may dominate headlines, India’s bonding with neighbours, middle powers, and the Global South will be equally critical for its future.

In a fractured global order, India’s unique salience is reflected in its ability to bring opposing navies and leaderships together. The confirmed participation of United States and Russian naval assets underscores India’s capacity to engage with opposing geopolitical poles through cooperative security frameworks.

Hosting such diverse and large‑scale maritime events reinforces India’s transition from a regional participant to an Indo‑Pacific node of maritime cooperation. When paired with the intellectual framings offered by SAGAR and MAHASAGAR, the growing convergence at these maritime interactions reflects a holistic maritime diplomacy where India’s doctrine, operations, and multilateral cooperation intersect to maximise outcomes.

It is in this context that Visakhapatnam’s naval “trifecta” should be understood. India is asserting a logic where security is collective and oceans underline interdependence – and where India presents itself as convenor and perhaps a shaper of the 21st‑century maritime order.