
China’s dual‑sided drone supply gives it strategic leverage over two opposing militaries and accelerates its own military modernization, reshaping global security dynamics.
The surge of unmanned aerial systems in Ukraine has highlighted a shift from traditional platforms to inexpensive, mass‑produced drones. Chinese manufacturers, led by DJI and Autel, dominate the supply chain, delivering everything from flight controllers to thermal cameras. Their ability to churn out thousands of units monthly meets the battlefield’s relentless attrition, turning drones into disposable assets that can be replaced overnight—a capability few other nations can match.
For Russia and Ukraine, Chinese components have become indispensable. Moscow taps Chinese engines, batteries and microchips to field loitering munitions and FPV strike drones, while Kyiv assembles its own UAVs using up to 97% Chinese parts. Export‑control loopholes, third‑country re‑routing and the classification of many devices as civilian allow the flow to continue despite official restrictions, underscoring the fragility of Western attempts to curb the technology’s spread.
Strategically, the conflict validates Beijing’s "intelligentized" warfare vision, where AI‑enabled, networked drones form the backbone of future combat. Lessons learned—from electronic‑warfare resilience to swarm tactics—feed directly into China’s own military planning for scenarios such as the Taiwan Strait. By profiting from both sides while maintaining a veneer of neutrality, China leverages commercial dominance into geopolitical influence, reshaping how power is projected in the age of autonomous warfare.
Asia Defense · By Vita Golod and Dmytro Burtsev · January 24, 2026
One of the most striking features of the Russia‑Ukraine war is how quickly it has transformed into a war of drones. What began as a conventional land invasion has evolved into a conflict in which low‑cost unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) – not tanks, aircraft, or missiles – shape daily battlefield outcomes. Drones now guide artillery, conduct surveillance, deliver precision strikes, and saturate air defenses. In this environment, adaptability and scale matter more than traditional military platforms.
And running quietly through this entire ecosystem is one country that has not fired a single shot – China.
Beijing’s role in the war is not as visible as Iran’s Shahed drones or Western‑supplied artillery systems. Instead, China’s influence is embedded in the technology itself – from finished civilian drones to the components that keep thousands of UAVs airborne each day. Amid the war, China’s dominance of global drone supply chains has become strategically indispensable to both Russia and Ukraine, revealing a new form of power rooted in civilian technology rather than military intervention.
Long before Russia’s full‑scale invasion of Ukraine, Chinese military thinkers were already focused on the growing role of unmanned systems. Official doctrine frames modern conflict as moving toward “intelligentized” warfare, characterized by artificial intelligence, automation, data integration, and autonomous platforms. In this vision, drones are not peripheral but core elements of future combat.
Chinese researchers consistently stress the normalization of unmanned systems across all domains: land, air, sea, cyber, and space. Rather than treating UAVs as experimental or niche capabilities, Beijing integrates them directly into force planning, logistics, and operational doctrine. This approach reflects a broader Chinese preference for asymmetric, cost‑efficient solutions that can offset technologically superior adversaries.
Crucially, drones are embedded within China’s civil‑military fusion model. Technologies developed for agriculture, logistics, mapping, disaster response, and commercial photography are simultaneously treated as military‑relevant assets. This dual‑use framework allows China to expand its technological base without the political costs associated with overt arms exports or formal military alliances.
The war in Ukraine did not create this strategy, but it validated China’s approach. For Beijing, the conflict has become an unparalleled real‑world laboratory – one that demonstrates how commercial technologies perform under conditions of high attrition, intense electronic warfare, and rapid battlefield adaptation, all without China becoming a belligerent.
China is now the dominant global producer of UAVs. Its manufacturers supply everything from high‑end military drones to mass‑produced civilian platforms that cost a fraction of their Western equivalents. Chinese firms are estimated to control between 70 % and 90 % of the global commercial drone market, depending on the category.
That dominance maps directly onto the battlefield in Ukraine. Small, commercially available UAVs have become the backbone of frontline operations. They spot enemy positions, adjust artillery fire, hover above trenches, drop grenades, and conduct kamikaze‑style attacks. These drones operate at low altitudes over limited areas – villages, forests, industrial zones – where traditional air power is ineffective.
Attrition rates are extraordinary. Thousands of drones are lost each month, making rapid replacement a strategic necessity. Only China currently offers the production capacity, price point, and logistical flexibility required to sustain such consumption.
Most of these systems are dual‑use civilian devices. The motors, batteries, frames, cameras, flight controllers, and transmission modules used by both armies overwhelmingly originate in China. Ukraine has invested heavily in domestic drone production, but in practice this often means assembling systems from Chinese components. Full technological decoupling has proven unrealistic.
Russia, meanwhile, benefits from deeper technological ties with Beijing. Its battlefield experience effectively feeds back into Chinese learning, allowing manufacturers and planners to observe how their systems perform under combat conditions, including jamming, spoofing, and harsh environmental stress.
Chinese companies such as DJI and Autel Robotics sit at the centre of this ecosystem. DJI’s Mavic series, widely used by Ukrainian forces, has become the war’s most recognizable drone platform. Designed and marketed as civilian devices, newer models increasingly incorporate features – such as thermal imaging and night‑vision capabilities – that significantly enhance military utility. These upgrades illustrate how commercial innovation quietly expands battlefield relevance.
Without Chinese‑origin components, neither Russia nor Ukraine could sustain the current tempo of drone warfare. And yet, official Chinese policy continues to claim neutrality.
Officially, Beijing insists it does not supply Russia with lethal weapons. It calls for peace talks and criticizes Western sanctions. In practice, however, Chinese companies have become Russia’s most important external suppliers of drone‑related components and dual‑use electronics.
Investigations by Western media and research institutions consistently show that since 2022, China has replaced the West as Russia’s primary source of battlefield‑relevant technology. Reports estimate that more than three‑quarters of Russia’s critical wartime imports now originate in China. These include drone engines, lithium‑ion batteries, optical systems, microchips, and communications equipment – the technological backbone of modern warfare.
These supplies have enabled Russia to scale up production of loitering munitions, first‑person‑view (FPV) strike drones, and newer fiber‑optic‑guided UAVs designed to resist Ukrainian electronic warfare. The latter proved especially consequential in 2024–2025, briefly giving Russia a technological edge and forcing Ukraine to scramble for countermeasures.
China introduced export controls on certain high‑performance drones in mid‑2023 and expanded its dual‑use export regime in 2024. On paper, these measures align Beijing more closely with international norms. In practice, their impact has been limited, and transfers to Russia have continued.
Most consumer‑grade drones and key components fall outside the strictest categories, while re‑routing through third countries allows supplies to continue flowing. China is one end of a systematic transnational re‑export network spanning the UAE, Hong Kong, Turkey, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Serbia. Re‑routing, re‑labeling, and selective enforcement have allowed Moscow to retain access to many of the dual‑use technologies most critical to sustaining the war.
Ukraine’s reliance on Chinese technology is even more acute, though fundamentally defensive. Ukrainian drone production has become a key pillar of the country’s war economy, with domestic firms producing large numbers of UAVs for reconnaissance and strike missions. Yet estimates suggest that up to 97 % of components used in Ukrainian‑made drones still come from China.
As the CEO of Ukraine’s leading drone producer, TAF Industries (ranked 22nd globally), put it bluntly:
“The biggest winner of this war is China’s tech industry. Its growth is astronomical. Chinese firms are adaptive, fast, flexible – and ready to supply everything from microchips to advanced sensors. If we want to fight effectively, we have to work with China.”
In 2024 alone, Ukraine imported more than $1 billion worth of Chinese drones and related components. Volunteer organisations and civic groups around the world import thousands of Chinese drones and components each month, often purchasing them directly from international wholesalers or online platforms and transporting them to the front line by personal vehicles. These civilian procurement networks have created a “people’s supply chain,” which is now as vital as formal defence contracts.
Western alternatives exist, but they are typically more expensive, slower to procure, and produced in quantities far too small for a war that consumes drones at industrial speed. Western suppliers cannot easily replace China; they tried but failed. As a result, Ukraine faces a stark paradox: the same Chinese commercial ecosystem that sustains its defence also underpins Russia’s drone warfare. In effect, both sides are fighting with the same tools.
Ukrainian officials privately acknowledge the vulnerability this creates. Beijing could tighten export controls with little warning, potentially disrupting supply chains and altering battlefield dynamics – without ever abandoning its claim of neutrality.
Why does China allow this dual‑sided flow to continue? There are several reasons. Part of the answer is economic. War has produced a massive spike in demand for drones and associated electronics, and China’s manufacturers are poised to profit.
A deeper strategic rationale is influencing these actions. China’s dual drone flows exemplify a calculated stance of ambivalent neutrality. Beijing avoids formally supporting Russia militarily – no official weapons deliveries or troop involvement – yet allows commercial transfers of dual‑use technologies to both sides.
Chinese publications openly analyse lessons from Ukraine. Analysts study electronic‑warfare failures, drone‑swarming tactics, attrition dynamics, and the integration of unmanned systems into broader strike networks. These insights are already shaping China’s military modernisation, particularly in preparation for high‑intensity conflicts in contested environments such as the Taiwan Strait.
Ukraine’s use of naval drones in the Black Sea has drawn similar attention. China’s unmanned naval programmes developed over the past decade have been increasingly emphasised since the Russian full‑scale invasion of Ukraine. Platforms such as the Zhu Hai Yun function as motherships for deploying multiple unmanned systems.
The Black Sea has thus become a real‑world laboratory for China. Whether defensive or offensive, the core lesson drawn from Ukraine is clear: maritime dominance increasingly depends on the ability to operate large numbers of unmanned systems.
China’s dominance of the global commercial drone ecosystem has created a new form of hybrid …
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